The Nair , also known as Nayar , is a group of Indian castes, described by anthropologist Kathleen Gough as "not a cohesive group but named caste category". Nair includes several castes and many subdivisions, not all historically using the name 'Nair'. These people live, and live, in what is now the state of Kerala in India. Their internal caste behavior and systems differ greatly between people in the north and south of the area, although there is no reliable information about those living in the north.
Historically, Nairs lived in a large family unit called tharavads that resided from a common female ancestor. These family units along with their unusual wedding habits, which are no longer practiced, have been widely studied. Although the details vary from region to region, the main points of interest to researchers Nair's wedding habits are the presence of two specific rituals - pre-puberty thalikettu kalyanam and then sambandam - and practice polygamy in some areas. Some Nair women also have hypergamy with Nambudiri Brahmins from the Malabar region.
Nair has historically been involved in military conflicts in the region. After the hostilities between Nair and England in 1809, the participation of UK Nair was limited to the British Indian Army. After India's independence, the Travancore State Combat Brigade merged into the Indian Army and became part of the 9th Battalion, the Madras Regiment, the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.
Snakes are worshiped by the Nair family as guardians of the clan. The worship of a snake, a Dravidian custom, is very prevalent in the area noted by an anthropologist: "No part of the world is a worm serpent worship more common than in Kerala." Serpent groves are found in the southwest corner of almost every Nair compound.
Video Nair
Histori
Periode awal
Nair's origins are disputed. Some people think that the name itself comes from nayaka , an honorific meaning "leader of the people", while others believe it comes from a community association with the cult of the Snake worship cult. Christopher Fuller, an anthropologist, said that perhaps the first reference to the Nair community was made by Pliny the Elder in his book
There is a major gap in early history known from the Kerala region, which in the 1st century AD is thought to have been governed by the Chera dynasty and which by the end of the 3rd century AD has been cut off, possibly as a consequence of the decline of trade with Rome. There is no evidence of Nairs in the area during this period. The inscriptions about the copper plates of land grants and the rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian merchants, dated roughly between the seventh and ninth centuries, refer to Nair's leaders and soldiers from Ernad, Valluvanad, Venad (later) known as Travancore) and the Palghat area. As these inscriptions show Nairs as a witness of the agreement between traders and Cheras successors, the Perumal, it is possible that at this time Nairs was chief.
Of course in the 13th century, some of the Nairs were rulers of the small empire and Perumals had disappeared. Trade with China, which has declined for some time, began to increase once again in the 13th century and during this period two small Nair kingdoms were established. Both - in Kolattunad and in Vernad - contain the main seaports, and they thrive by taking over the inland areas of the neighboring chiefs. Although trade with China once again suffered a setback in the 14th century, it was replaced by trade with Arab Muslims. These merchants have been visiting the area for several hundred years but their activities have increased to the point where the third Nair kingdom, based on the Calicut port, became established. There is also a small monarchy in Walluvanad and Palghat, away from the coastline.
European Period
The Portuguese arrived in the area from 1498, at that time Zamorin (King) of Calicut had come to the surface. Arab traders have established themselves at their ports and although trade still goes to the ports of the other two small kingdoms, the numbers are relatively small. Indeed, the kingdom based in Kolattunad has been divided into three smaller kingdoms; and the ruler of Vernad had given considerable power to local leaders in his kingdom.
The Portuguese had much involvement in South India, including their support of Paravars in the trade battle over the control of Malabar pearl fisheries, but in the kingdom of Nair, their main interest was to gain control over pepper trade. In this case they follow Arab Muslims, who are ultimately marginalized; and they were in turn followed by the Dutch in 1683. Britain and France were also active in the area now known as Kerala, the former from 1615 and the latter of 1725. These various European powers combined with one or another of the Nair rulers, struggled to control. One of the famous alliances is the Portuguese with the Kingdom of Cochin, with whom they sided to work against the Zamorin powers of Calicut. Although Calicut remained the most significant of the kingdom until the 1730s, its strength was eroded and the Cochin rulers were freed from the Zamorin vase.
The Muslim army of Mysore invaded and controlled northern Kerala in 1766 and remained in power until 1792, when the East India Company finally established its lead throughout the Kerala region. At this time there are nine little Nair kingdoms and several tribal chiefs loosely affiliated with them; The British combined seven of the kingdoms (Calicut, Kadattunad, Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Palghat and Walluvanad) to form Malabar District, while Cochin and Travancore were abandoned as indigenous states under the control of their own rulers but with advice from England. To date, Nairs has historically been a military community, which along with the Nambudiri Brahmins owns most of the land in the region; after that, they switch to administrative services.
After India's independence from the British government, the Travancore, Malabar and Cochin regions became the current state of Kerala. This relates to Nairs living in areas of former Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes collectively referred to as Kerala Tengah, that there is much information; the ones available for North Malabar are the fewest.
Military history
Fuller has noted the general notion that Nair troops are only drawn from higher subdivisions of the community but believe that these subdivisions are formed numerically most of the whole.
Portuguese era
Nayar was involved in an early regional conflict with the Portuguese, serving on both sides of the conflict. One Nayar converted to Christianity, Antonio Fernandes Chale, fought for the Portuguese side, held several command positions even made the Knights of the Order of Christ before his death at the Battle of the Sanguiler in 1571. He was one of the few thousands of Nair who fought alongside the Portuguese upon their arrival. During this period, both sides maintained their distinctive style, with Nair fighting unarmed only with a shield, and the Portuguese wearing armor to protect from sword attacks, despite the heat.
During this era, the Portuguese popularized the term Nair , referring to all locals who fought with them as Nayari or Nayar , regardless of strata or caste. The name Nayar was previously just as a title issued by the king for some families who excelled in military issues. The families, along with all those involved in the military, are known as Lokar . In addition to the limited use of the Nayar title and the general use of Lokar to illustrate the working group, there is no certainty about what caste that is now categorized as Nairs was called before the arrival of the Portuguese.
Unit Travancore
The Travancore Infantry Nair (also known as Nair Pattalam) was formed in 1704 to defend the Maharajah of Marthanda Varma, and distinguish themselves in the battle against the Dutch at the Battle of Colachel (1741). It was dissolved after the British takeover of Malabar after the Anglo-Mysore War, and Nair was first disbanded, and then stripped, where they turned to agriculture.
English Era
The Travancore army became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818-1819. The Nair Unit, 1st Battalion of HH Rani Troops, was also included in this brigade, but the Brigade served only in police capacity until the withdrawal of the East India Company in 1836. In 1901, the unit was released from police duty. and placed under a British officer. In 1935, the Travancore Nair Regiment and the Maharaja guard were united and renamed Travancore State Force, as part of the Indian State Forces system.
There were Hindu-Muslim clashes during the Middle Ages, especially the Nining Exile in Seringapatam, where many Hindus continued to be captured or killed by Muslims under Tipu Sultan. Many became refugees and fled to South Kerala. But Nairs of Travancore was able to defeat the Muslim army in 1792 in the Anglo-Mysore Third War. The second conflict that occurred during the 1920s, known as the Moplah Riot, culminated in the killing of Hindu landlords, many of whom were Nairs.
Post-independence
Two former Travancore State Army divisions, first Travancore Nayar Infantry and 2 Infantry Nambo Travancore were converted into 9th and 16th Battalions of the Madras Regiment respectively after independence. The Nayar troops from Cochin were put in Battalion 17.
Maps Nair
Caste System
The Nambudiri Brahmins are at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system even surpass the kings. They consider all Nairs as shudra . Under Nambudiris came the Tamil Brahmins and other immigrants from the Brahmin varna . Beyond this, the right ranking is subject to some disagreements. Kodoth had placed the Samantan caste under the rank of Kshatriya but above the Nairs, but Gough assumed that Pushpagan and Chakyars, both of the highest rank in the temple service group known as Ambalavasis, were between Brahmins and Nairs, like some other members of the Ambalavasi group. He also believes that some Nairs adopted the Samantan title to emphasize their superiority over others in their caste. The inadequacy of varnas to engage in what they consider to be a polluting activity of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as the reason for the relatively limited economic development in the region.
The keralit tradition includes that certain communities are not allowed within a certain distance of other castes on the grounds that they will "pollute" the relatively higher group. For example, Dalits are banned in 64 feet. Likewise, a Nair can approach but not touch Nambudiri.
Origin
A theory has been proposed for the origin of the caste system in the Kerala region based on the actions of Aryan Jain which introduced the distinction as it was before the 8th century. It is argued that Jains need protection when they arrive in the area and recruit sympathetic local people to provide it. These people are then distinguished from others in the local population by their work as protectors, with others all classified as caste. Cross-disciplinary historian Cyriac Pullapilly explains that this means they are "... given the kshatriya function, but only the shudra status." So it comes from Nairs. "
An alternative theory states that the system was introduced by the Nambudiri Brahmins. Although Brahmin influence has existed in the area since at least the 1st century AD, there was a large current from around the 8th century when they acted as priests, advisors and ministers to attack the Aryan princes. At the time of their arrival non-aboriginal local people had been converted to Buddhism by missionaries coming from northern India and from Ceylon. Brahmins use their symbiotic relationship with the colonial power to affirm their beliefs and positions. Buddhist temples and monasteries are destroyed or taken over for use in Hindu practices, thus undermining the ability of Buddhists to spread their beliefs. Brahmins treat almost everyone who approves their priesthood status as shudra , allowing only a small amount to be recognized as kshatriya , these are some local rulers who operate with them. Of course, in the 11th century, this combination of relations with kings and colonizers, and by the destruction or removal of Buddhist temples, has made the Brahmin by far the largest group of land in the region and they must remain so new -new recently. Their introduction of Sanskrit and its integration with the local Tamil language to form Malayalam is also striking. Their dominant influence can be found in all respects: religion, politics, society, economy and culture.
By the end of the 19th century, the Kerala caste system had evolved into the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There are over 500 groups represented in a complex relationship structure and the concept of ritual contamination not only extends to infinity but even further, to be unapproachable. The system was gradually reformed to some extent, with one of the reformers, Swami Vivekananda, having observed that it represented the "crazy house" of caste. The usual four-tiered Hindu caste system involves varna from Brahmin (priest), Knight (warrior), Waisya i> (business people, involved in trade, entrepreneurship and finance) and Shudra (service personnel), no. Kshatriyas are rare and the Vaishyas are not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks are taken to some extent by some Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.
Subgroup
The Nairs identify themselves in many subgroups and there is debate as to whether these groups should be considered as subcasts or mixtures of both and subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these groups; most of it before the end of British rule in India but Kathleen Gough also studied this problem in 1961. This analysis has in common with Jatinirnayam , a Malayam work that mentions 18 major subgroups according to the occupation, including drummers, copper bearers, stretcher carriers, maids, pottery and barbers, as well as ranks like Kiriyam and Illam . Although Jatinirnayam alone does not distinguish certain subgroups as higher rank, subsequent classification efforts do so, claiming various jobs to be traditional and claiming that only the higher ranking group is the army. Anthropologists, ethnologists, and other authors believe that the last name of Nair is a title that represents the subgroup ( vibhagam ) that belongs to that person and indicates the occupation that their head or king pursues or gives them. These names include Nair itself, Kurup , Menon , and Pillai .
A reevaluation of the widespread classification system occurred from the late 1950s. More fully, writing in 1975, claimed that the classification approach using titular names was a misunderstanding. People can and do reward titles; and at those times when a title is truly awarded, it still does not signify their subgroup. He argues that the outline of subdivisions
"... emb embodies, so to speak, the caste system in the caste system Except for high priests, the Nayar subdivision reflects all major caste categories: high status aristocrats, military and landing, craftsmen and helpers, and untouchable.... this structure is more ideal than real. "
MN Srinivas observes in 1957 that, "Varna has become a model whose observable facts have been installed, and this is true not only of educated Indians but also of sociologists to some extent. " Instead of analyzing subgroup structures independently, commentators have explained it incorrectly using existing but alien social structures. From this incompatible methodology comes the assumption that the groups are sub-sub-not subdivisions. He also argued, in 1966, that "Some Nayars" ripened "to Samantans and Kshatriya, and the Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin monarchs, for example, regardless of the origin of Nayar, consider themselves superior in ritual rankings for their Nayar subjects. That is, they take positions above the status that they are considered as others.
The hypothesis proposed by authors like Fuller and Louis Dumont, that most sub-groups are not subcasts appear largely due to the number of ways in which Nairs classify themselves, which far exceeds 18 or more previously accepted groups. Dumont takes the extreme view that Nairs as a whole can not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believes this does not make sense as, "because Nayars live in a caste society, they must clearly enter into the caste system, to some degree or another." The 1891 census of India recorded a total of 128 Nair sub-groups in Malabar and 55 in the Cochin region, and 10 further in the Madras area but outside Malabar. There are 44 listed in Travancore in the 1901 census. However, these titles are somewhat fluid: the numbers tend to rise and fall, depending on which sources and research are used; it is also possible that the figures are tilted by Nairs who claim a higher status than they actually have, which is a common practice throughout India. Data from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries show that ten of these subdivisions account for about 90% of all Nairs, that these five highest rankings constitute the majority, and that some subdivisions are claimed to be as few as one. The author of the 1891 census official report, HA Stuart, admits that some of the recorded subdivisions are in fact family rather than subcasts, and Fuller speculates that the single-member subdivision is "Nayars satisfy their pride, I think, through the census medium."
The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include Joan Mencher, proposed a mixed system. Larger divisions are subcasts, as they indicate status stability, longevity and geographical spread; However, smaller divisions are fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as Veluttetan, Chakkala and Vilakkittalavan, will take a degree such as Nair or Nayar to improve their social status, as well as practices with other castes elsewhere, although they are often not recognized as caste members by higher ranks and other Nairs will not marry them. It has also been postulated that some exogamous families come together to form minor cleavages as a consequence of shared work experience with, for example, the head of Nambudiri or local Nair. These groups subsequently became endogamic subdivisions, in a manner similar to the development of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere. The more subdivisions are created, the more opportunities that exist for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.
Even the highest ranking of Nairs, who became king and leader, is nothing more than a "superior" subdivision of caste, rather than the Ksatriya and Samantans they claim. Their claims illustrate that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion are applied even at the very top of the community and this is extended as long as each family refuses to admit that they have peers in the rankings, even though they will recognize the people above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups is statistically insignificant, being a small part of 1 percent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behavior they set is filtered down to the rankings below them. These subdivisions may adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually degrading work to help their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopt hypergamy and will use the rituals of thalikettu kalyanam and sambandham, which are traditional versions of the wedding ceremony, to advance themselves by association with the higher. r anked participant and participant
Attempt to get caste cohesion
The Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded in 1914. Nossiter has described its purpose in the foundation as ""... to free society from superstitions, taboos and otiose habits, to build networks of educational and welfare institutions, and to defend and advance the interests of Nair in the political arena. "Devika and Varghese believed in the formative years to be 1913 and argued that it was founded in reaction to the perceived communal strife at Travancore.N Hindus Nairs is unhappy with the superiority of the Christian community, which holds the status equivalent of Brahmins and whose members were elected chair of various official bodies during the period when the political system is being modified.The Nairs believe Travancore to be a Hindu state.
By the end of 1975, the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore area, although it also had many satellite groups around the world.
From its early years, while arguing that Nairs needed to join together if they became a political force, it was argued that members of caste should stop referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Subsequent census information appears to have become unreliable in terms of subdivisions, in part at least because of NSS campaigns to ensure that respondents do not provide the requested information from them. The NSS also promotes marriage in various divisions in further efforts to promote the castes of caste, although in this case it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it is likely that cross-subdivision crossbreeds are rare in general, and this certainly occurs in the area of ​​Central Travancore.
Inferred by Fuller, in 1975, it was
... the question of what the Nayar caste is (or whether): it is a large social group, named (or, perhaps preferably, a category) with stable status, vis-a-vis other castes in Kerala. However, this is not a solidarity group, and the efforts of N.S.S. Nevertheless, it is never possible to be one.
The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer as important as ever. It sought to reaffirm its influence in 1973, when it established its own political party - the National Democratic Party - but this only lasted until 1977.
Today
Currently, the Indian government does not treat the Nair community as a whole. It classifies some, such as Illathu and Swaroopathu Nairs, as a forward caste but other parts, such as Veluthedathu, Vilakkithala and Andhra Nairs, as the Other Backward Class. This classification is for the purpose of determining groups of people in certain areas subject to positive discrimination policies for educational and work purposes.
Historical customs and traditions
The Nairs practiced various customs and traditions in the past and which are not found in today's society. Many of these are complex systems.
Pullapilly has suggested that Nairs may share inheritance along with the Ezhava caste. This theory is based on the similarities between the many customs adopted by both groups, particularly those relating to marking significant life stages such as childbirth and death, as well as matrilineal practices and their martial history. The theory is only the offspring that can explain some of these problems.
Social and political organizations
Before the reorganization of the territory by the British, it was divided into about ten feudal states. Each is governed by rajah (king) and is divided into organizational units known as nads . In turn, nads is divided into d? Sams .
The person who ruled nad is known as naduvazhi . It was an inherited role, originally given by a king, and from a lower ritual rank of the royal lineage. Despite the Nair family, they generally use the title Samantan and are treated as vassals. However, some naduvazhi are the leaders of the feudatori, the former king whose territory has been taken over by, for example, Zamorin of Calicut. In these examples, though they obeyed the diagram they had higher ritual ratings than Zamorin as a consequence of their longer reign history; They also have more power than subordinates. Families of naduvazhi each see themselves as different caste in the same way as diagrams; they do not know the other family naduvazhi as their equivalent. The naduvazhi retains criminal and civil orders and can prosecute the military service of all Nairs under it. There is usually a permanent strength between 500 and 1000 people available and this is called by the diagram when needed. All fights are usually stopped during the monsoon period of May to September, when movements across the country are almost impossible. No roads, or wheeled vehicles or transport animals, until after 1766.
The desavazhi has the right to operate kalaris , which is a military training school that all young Nair men from the age of 12 are expected to attend. They stop attending at the age of 18 but are expected to be available for military duty at one-day notice. The function of these schools became significantly less practical after the introduction of the Arms Law by the British, which restricted the right of Nairs to carry arms; However, they continue to exist and provide some training to the people of Nair who are not attending an English school. This training becomes clear at the village festival, where martial reviews will take place.
According to Gough, the villages are generally between one and four square miles in the area and their land is usually owned by a family of landlords, who claim a higher ritual rating than the other inhabitants. Landlords are also usually the desavazhi (village head) and in all cases their families are known as jenmis . These landlords are from the royal family line or feudatory head; or patrilineal Nambudiri family or temple plantations operated by such family groups. They are also from the lineage of the head of Samantan's matrilineal subordinate and, finally, the lowest genius in terms of ritual rankings are the Nairs who have inherited from the matrilineal ancestor to whom the land and the conno- sonite stewardship have been given by a king. In all cases, land ownership can not be sold without a royal permit.
The villages have historically been largely self-sufficient, with trades of handicrafts such as pottery and metal present in each. This means that there is no need for close central control by a higher level in the organizational hierarchy, and it also means that inter-village trade is minimal. Traders like those who do exist are mostly concentrated in port cities and are comprised of Syrian, Muslim, Christian and Jewish immigrants, with Hindu merchants then coming from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans. The Nairs is the only member of the village organization, which exists for such purposes as managing temple affairs and, at one time, organizing military training and deployment. The Nair family are considered part of the village organization even if they have moved from there. There are other castes in these villages, and other religious groups as well, but they are excluded from the organization. This arrangement is different from that found elsewhere in India, and the other difference is that every home, whether for Nairs or not, usually resides in its own complex. There is no communal land, as it is elsewhere, and there is no communal plan for the village layout.
Nairs are not allowed to perform rituals at the sanketams temples, villages where the land is owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they may have access to the outer courtyard area. Sometimes there is no Nair at all in these villages. In villages where temples are privately owned by a Nambudiri family, there will be another temple, dedicated to the Bhagavadi, used by Nairs. It was in the villages where Nairs included a village head who may have only one temple, run by their village organization.
Tharavad
Nairs operates a matrilineal family structure ( marumakkathayam ) called tharavad , in which families of descendants of a common ancestor live under one roof. Tharavads of 50 to 80 members are not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported. Only the women who live in the main house; men live in separate rooms and, on several occasions, live in separate houses nearby. The family is divided into several instances when they become troubled and during a crisis among its members. When divided, the family property is separated along the female line. The Karnavan , the oldest male member of tharavad , has a decision-making authority including the power to manage public property. Panikkar, a renowned writer from the Nair community, wrote in 1918,
Family authority is owned by the oldest member, called karnavan . He has full control over the common property, and manages the revenue he really likes. She arranges marriage ( sambandhams ) for boys and girls families. He has full strength until recently (at least in practice) to alienate whatever belongs to them. His wish is a law that is not disputed. This is possible, what is meant by the term Matri-potestas in hereditary communities. But it must be remembered that among the Nayars, the family autocrat is not the mother, but the mother's brother.
The husband visits tharavad at night and leaves the next morning and he has no legal obligation for his sons who are fully nested with carnavan . In the Nair family, young men and women around the same age are not allowed to talk to each other unless the younger brother is much older than he is. The wife of Karnavan has an unusual relationship in her different tharavad and her interests are there. Panikkar writes that Karnavan loves his brother's son more than his own and he believes it is mainly due to Nair's marital instability. The divorce rate is very high because both men and women have the same right to end the marriage. Enangar is another family with which a tharavad keeps in touch; some related families form a social group whose members participate in all social activities. Nakane wrote in 1956 that tharavads as functional units had disappeared and the great buildings that once hosted the great tharavads were occupied by only a few of the remains.
Birth ritual
Nair traditionally practices certain rituals associated with birth, though often only for those born first. Of these, pulicudi is the most significant for them. This involves rubbing coconut oil into a pregnant woman, followed by a bath, formal wear, consulting with an astrologer about the expected birth date and drinking sour wine, dripping along the sword blade. The woman will also choose a grain, from which it is believed possible to determine the sex of the child. This ritual is performed in front of the community and contains many symbolic references; for example, the use of a sword is believed to make a child a fighter.
In the months following the birth there was followed by other rituals, including the purification and jewelry of children with symbolic belts to ward off disease, as well as naming ceremonies in which another astrologer played an important role. There are also various dietary restrictions, both for women during pregnancy and for children in the first few months of life.
Marriage system
Fuller commented that the marriage system "Nayars" has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles, "and Amitav Ghosh said that, although the matrilineal system is not uncommon in the southern coastal community of India, Nairs" has achieved an unsurpassed advantage in anthropological literature on matrilineality. "None of these rituals survive in any way today.Two ritual forms of marriage are traditional:
- a pre-puberty ritual for girls known as thalikettu kalyanam , which is usually followed by sambandham when they become sexually mature. The sambandham is the point at which the woman may take one or more partners and bear children by them, giving rise to theories they engage in polyandrous practice. The ritual called tirandukuli marks the first menstruation and usually occurs between these two events.
- a form of hypergamy, in which highly rated Nair marries Samantans, Kshatriyas and Brahmins.
There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair ritual fits into the definition of traditional marriage and which of thalikettu kalyanam or sambandham can claim it. Thomas Nossiter commented that the system "is regulated so loosely that it raises doubts as to whether" marriage "exists."
Thalikettu kalyanam
The thali is a leaf-like emblem and used as a necklace. Wearing it has been compared to wedding rings as most women in southern India signify that they are married. The thalikettu kalyanam is a ritual in which thali will be tied to a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl had to reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is possible that this stricture was not in fact observed.
This ritual is usually performed approximately every 10-12 years for all girls, including infants, within tharavad that had never been the subject. High-ranking groups in castes, however, will perform rituals more often than this and as a result the age range where it occurs is narrow, which is roughly between the ages of 10 and 13. This increase in frequency will reduce the chances of girls of two generations involved in the same ceremony, which is prohibited. Karnavan organizes a complicated ritual after receiving advice from prominent villagers as well as from a traditional astrologer, known as Kaniyan . A pandal is built for ceremonies and girls wearing special decorations are used only on the occasion, as well as bathing rituals in oil. The ornaments are often lent because only a few villagers have them. The person who tied thali will be transported with an elephant. The higher the person's rank the greater the prestige reflected in tharavad , and also on the contrary because some people may refuse to act as a tier to break out of the group and thus increasing their claim to become members of a higher group. Although the information is far from complete, those who bind thali to girls from the Nair Cochin family in Central Kerala seem to have typically been Samantans, who are of a higher rank, or sometimes a knight, who is still taller. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the Cochin kingdom house (the Kshatriyas), but whether they did it for other Knights is less certain. Knights will bind to Samantans. Having a thali every girl who is tied up by different men is more prestigious than having one level performing rituals for some girls. The thali binding followed by four days of the feast, and on the fourth day of the marriage was dissolved.
The girl often never saw the man who tied the thali again and then married a different man during sambandham. Yet, though she does not mourn the death of her husband sambandham or become a widow, she observes the mourning ritual of the death of the man who has tied her thali . Panikkar argues that this proves that the true marriage of religion is thalikettu kalyanam , although he also calls it "pretended marriage". He believes that it may exist to serve as a point of religious demarcation. Sexual morality is weak, especially beyond the higher ranks, and both dashed and rearranged relationships are common; thali kalyanam legitimates the marital status of women in the eyes of his faith before he engages in immoral activities that are common practice.
It has been noted that there are variations on the exercise. Examples include that binding people may be close female relatives, such as mother or aunt women, and that ceremonies performed by such persons may occur outside the temple or as a small ceremony. on the more lavish side of thalikettu kalyanam than in tharavadu . This variation may be extraordinary and will be applied to the poorest families. Fuller also says that if every girl has his own thali level, rather than one used to perform rituals for several girls at the same ceremony, this presents the possibility of subsequent status deviations from the matrilineal line of tharavadu , leading to more subdivisions and greater opportunities that one or more of these girls might advance their status in the future.
Sambandham
Panikkar says that for the real marriage Nairs, as opposed to the symbolic one, is sambandham, a word derived from Sanskrit and translated as "good and close union". The Nair woman has a sambandham relationship with Brahmins and Knights, as well as other Nairs. He argues that the system exists primarily to facilitate the marriage of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins. In the Malabar region, only the oldest male members of the Brahmin family are normally allowed to marry in their caste. There are circumstances in which a younger man is allowed to do this, with the consent of the eldest son or when he is unable to marry. This system is designed to protect their patrilineality and primogeniture traditions. The consequence of that is that younger children are allowed to marry women from the highest subdivision of the Nair caste. Nair women can marry men who have binded their thali, provided that they are not limited by the rule that women are not allowed to marry men of lower caste or subdivision, or marry someone in a direct matrilineal line of offspring (to the extent that probably back) or close relatives in a patrilineal line, or a man less than two years older than him.
The sambandham ceremony is simple compared to thalikettu kalyanam , marked by clothing ( pudava ) to the bride in front of several family members of both parties for arrangement. There may also be other gifts, presented at the time of Malayam's main festival. If the sambandham couple is a Brahmin or the son of a female father's sister (who is considered a viable marriage because it is outside the direct line of female descent) then the presentation is a low affair. The sambandham ritual, however, is more complicated, sometimes including a party, when a "foreigner" from the Nair caste marries the woman. The ceremony took place on a day considered beneficial by the priests.
The sambandham relationship is usually governed by karanavan, but sometimes they will appear from a woman who attracts a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first one of sambandham of a man is considered very important and his ability to engage in a large number of such relationships enhances his reputation in his community. Sambandham relationships can be damaged, because the difference between a spouse or because caravanan forces it because it is suppressed by a higher-ranking man who wants to marry that woman. Marriage with sambandham is not legally or binding. Relationships can end at will and the participants can remarry without any consequences. Attempts to regulate the marriage of sambandham by the 1912 Nayar Rules Act at Travancore and the Malabar Marriage Act in 1896 in Malabar England were not very successful.
Every child born by that woman must be claimed by one of her sambandham partners if she wants to avoid caste, sold as a slave or even executed. There is the assumption that unclaimed children are a consequence of him having a relationship with a man of lower caste, which can not be the case if the child is claimed because of the caste restrictions imposed in the election of sambandham partner:
... A caste is a bilateral grouping and the place of a child in caste society can not be determined by only one parent. Furthermore, the status-linking system of India, in most circumstances, forbids sexual intercourse between a woman and a man of lower status than herself, and generally denies to children born of such union membership from one parental caste. For this reason, some recognition from the father and the assurance that the genitor is the right status is necessary even if it is just one of a man who declares paternity.
Hypergamy
The Brahmin tradition of Nambudiri that limits the marriage rate within their own caste leads to the practice of hypergamy. Gough noted that
These hypergamous unions are regarded by Brahmins as socially acceptable disputes, since the union does not begin with the Vedic rite, the children are not legitimized as Brahmins, and neither women nor their children are given the rights of relatives. By the matrilineal caste, however, the same union is regarded as a marriage, as they meet the requirements of ordinary Nayar marriage and serve to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of the matrilineal lineage and caste. "
The difference in caste ranking in the relationship between a Brahmin and a Nair woman means that she can not live with her husband (s) in the Brahmin family and so remain in her own family. Children resulting from such marriages have always been Nairs. Panikkar argues that this is the kind of relationship that produces matrilineal and matrilocal systems. It has also been argued that the practice, along with the prudent selection of binding thali , forms part of the culture of the Nair aspirations in which they will seek to improve their status in castes. Next, it is
... among the high-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriya and Samantans) in contradiction with the "ordinary" Nayars, no two subdivisions recognize the same status. Thus relationships governed by the high rites [ie: thalikettu kalyanam ] and sambandham unity are always hypergamous.
While it is certain that in hypergamy theory it can cause the shortage of women who can marry in the lowest caste ranks and promote upward social movements from the lower Nair subdivision, the amount involved will be very small. It is not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.
Polyandry
Fuller argues that there is a lot of evidence that Nair women and men have more than one partner at the same time that "both men and women can have multiple partners at once, and one party is free to disconnect, for whatever reason or for nothing, whenever they want. "
He believes that both polyandrous sambandhams and hypergamy are the most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears to be no large prevalence of hypergamous due to the relative scarcity of Brahmins living there. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern monavaki Travancore may be more dominant, and that although matrilineal family members still apply it it usually happens that the wife lives with the husband.
Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree stated that while Nair's women were engaged in maritime with some men, the man also married more than one woman. Their women and husbands do not live together and their relationships are nothing but "sexual relationships" and legitimacy for children.
Gough has gone further than Fuller in relation to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in the area at all. He argues that all European travelogues describe polyandry originating from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes a different personal experience from previous commentators of Nair and that this can go some way to explain the various statements: Panikkar, who questioned the existence of polyandry, originated from the northern Travancore region; that A. Aiyappan, who acknowledges its existence, is from Central Kerala; and both have based their writings on the customs raised in their very different environments.
Reject traditional practices
Practices of thalikettu kalyanam , polyandrous sambandhams , as well as the existence of large tharavads declined during the nineteenth century, as did hypergamy. Monogamy and small nuclear family units become the norm, as they are elsewhere in the country. This process occurs more rapidly in some areas than in other regions, and in Central Kerala traditional systems persisted until the late 1960s, although most hypergamy had disappeared everywhere in the 1920s. The possible reasons for varying degrees of change across the region lie in the extent to which the various local agricultural economies are dominated by Nairs.
V. K. S. Nayar says that "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society as well as hierarchical and authoritarian in view." This system built the pride of the spherical family as well as the loyalty to caravanar. Nossiter cites this as one of the reasons why it is "in tune with the role of military caste in feudal society." and explained that the declining role of traditional warriors, the rise of a money-based economy, together with the end of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined led to a decline in traditional practices. All of these factors had an impact during the nineteenth century and they caused the erosion of social domination that Nairs once defended, eventually reaching a point some time between World War I and World War II where dominance was lost, despite attempts to reassert at Travancore during the 1930s when Diwan Sir CP Ramaswamy Iyer adopted a pro-Nair attitude and an oppressive attitude towards a community like Christian Syria. The main beneficiaries in the balance of social influences are Syrian Christians and Ezhavas. The former, in particular, are in a position to acquire, often by fragmenting, unfeasibly unfeasible structures and land around the Great Depression. The role of the NSS in successfully campaigning for continued change in practices and laws relating to marriage and inheritance also plays its role. The collapse of these rural communities facilitated the rise of socialist and communist political movements in the region.
Ritual of death
Although birth is considered ritual contamination, death in the family is considered much higher. In the case of the death of the family's oldest member, whether male or female, the body will be cremated on a pile of wood; for all the funeral of other family members is the norm. In both cases, the ceremony was performed by the Maran sub-group of the community and they used both elements of superstition and Hinduism. Events involving cremation are more ritualized than those involving burials.
A period of mourning for fourteen days following cremation, in which families perform symbolic acts around a pile of wood and are considered highly polluted in terms of ritual, so not only require that they bathe regularly but also that any other Nair who may touch them must also take a bath. This period was followed by parties and with participation in sporting events, which also involved Nair from nearby villages. Furthermore, the family continues to grieve while one male member performs diksha , during which time he must maintain a pure life. It involves him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice a day and stopping from cutting his hair or nails, and forbidden to talk or even see women. In some cases, diksha may last for a year instead of the usual forty-one days, in which case there will be a great celebration in the end.
Demographics
The 1968 Social Economic Survey by the Kerala Government provided Nair population of around 14.5% (2.9 million) of the total population of the country.
Religion
Panikkar, written in 1918, describes the Nairs religious practices as "an incredible mixture of Hindu and Dravida streams." and that society at that time "as a whole, people almost without religion". Of those devout Hindus, he noted that "... although they have been haunted in shape and have become part of Hinduism, their primitive beliefs have survived to a great extent... [The Nairs] is still maintained without diminishing. spirits of worship of spirits, black magic, and demons... ".
Although influenced by the tradition of Aria, the remnants of N customs? Ga can still be found among Nair, such as the worship of a snake. The sacred forest, where the dragon devatas (god of snakes) is worshiped can be found in many Nair tharavads . This sacred forest is known as sarpa kavu ("the abode of the Snake God"). The place where the offerings are made for snakes, chitrakudam ( nagakotta ) is an "irreplaceable addition" to every Nayar home. Snake worship is significant for all tharavads since, as Gough says, they "... can cause or prevent disease in general but are specifically believed to be responsible for the fertility or sterility of tharavad women". He considered it possible that they were viewed as symbols of phallic. Supernatural belief
Nair believed in spirits, who on several occasions attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According Panikkar, they believe in spirits such as Pretam , Bhutam and Pisachu . Pretam is the spirit of the dead prematurely; Bhutam , Panikkar says, "is seen generally in swampy districts and does not always hurt people unless they are very close to it"; and Pisachu is a bad air spirit that causes illness. Believe Pretam to roam around the place of death, they warn people to stay away from the area between 9 am and 3 pm. They also believe in a mystical figure called Kutti chatthan , described by Panikkar as,
Kutti Chattan (sometimes only Chattan, Kutti means son, the title to be loved, Chattan is considered a corrupted demon form) is not a god at all. He is something like Puck, very inclined to do naughty. He's supposed to be a dwarf, though he can assume another form or remain invisible when he chooses. He never went out of his way to hurt anyone, but if anyone hurt him once, Kutti Chattan never forgave and troubled him for life. His favorite method of annoying anyone is to throw rocks at home or drop things that are not clean into the food. He may do it without interruption, which will make life almost impossible. He should have no fingers and, therefore, his ugliness can be thwarted by those who know him. For example, he can not take things if kept in a place high above his reach unless, of course, there is something close to where he can climb. He can not open a knot, because he does not have a finger, although he can unlock the most powerful.
They believe in evil eye - the praise of others has a negative effect; they also believe that the words of a person with my curry (tongue-black) have an equally bad effect. They also believe koti from a poor man who watches someone eating delicious food will cause stomachache and dysentery.
Culture
Clothing
Men
Nair's man's historic outfit is mundu , a cloth wrapped around his waist and then left hanging almost to the ground, rather than tucked as in other parts of India. Low-hanging fabrics are considered special for Nair caste, and by the early 20th century it was noted that in more conservative rural areas, a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a low-hanging cloth to the ground. Nair's may use silk for this purpose, and they will also cover their upper bodies with a piece of gauze; the rest of the community is used once to use material produced in Eraniyal but at the time of writing Panikkar generally uses cotton cloth imported from Lancashire, England, and does not wear anything above the waist. Nair men avoid turban or other head coverings, but will carry an umbrella against the sun. They also avoid footwear, although some rich people will wear complicated sandals.
Female
Nair's women traditionally wore cloth wrapped around the waist, and the second cloth fell from the waist to the knee. Earlier in history, nothing was worn above the waist, but at the beginning of the 20th century it was noted that Nair women began covering their upper bodies with loose fabric while traveling, and that shyness began to reduce the habit of leaving the woman's upper body uncovered.
The onera ( onnara ) is a cloak that is worn as a lingerie by a conservative Nair woman. The lingerie is noted as enhancing and slimming waist. Fawcett noted the special care taken by Nair's woman in shaving their underarms, eyebrows, their pubic hair and, indeed, all the hairs in their bodies apart from their heads. This is considered for hygiene reasons.
The Nair women wore a nagapattam pendant ("snake hood"), but did not wear jewelry on their heads. Their only earrings are takka or more modern tota , and they wear a nose pendant mukkutti and guatlu , and addiyal in the neck. Nair's adult woman avoids the bracelet, though the younger ones wear the kolusu and at .
Diet
Pigs are listed as Nair's favorite food, and even high status Nair is noted as eating buffalo meat.
Nair avoids beef, and many do not eat lamb. In modern times, alcohol is a component of the Nair-dominated festival in Kerala.
See also
- List Nairs
- Nambiar
- Mamankam
- Moopil Nair
- Onnu Kure ÃÆ' yiram Yogam
- The ceremony and habits of Nair
References
Note
Quote
Bibliography
Further reading
External links
- "Digital Colonial Documents (India)". Archived from original on September 1, 2007.
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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